To Liebknecht and the leaders of the new party, unity was considered to be more important than the details of the Programme itself. August Bebel, who tried and failed to correct some of the program's errors at the foundation congress, wrote in his memoirs: "It was no easy task to agree with the two old men in London. What we saw as clever calculation, adept tactics, they saw as weakness and irresponsible complaisance; ultimately, the fact of the unification was the main point.
The Critique is not as well-known as The Communist Manifesto, but it has the same purpose. It is a clear and direct statement of Marx's communism.
Written near the end of his life in order to demolish the state-doting doctrines of the Gotha Programme, it contains a condensed discussion of The Gotha Programme begins with the claim that "Labour is the source of wealth and all culture". No, says Marx, "Labour is not the source of all wealth. Nature is just as much the source of use values". Here Marx defends one of the few insights that he claimed to be his very own, the two-fold nature of the commodity, the distinction between use value why we want an article and exchange value what an article is worth on the market.
These reveal that there is a conflict about the purpose of production at the very root of the production system. Nature is the "non-organic life" of the human and the human as "a part of nature.
It is false to say that labour in so far as it creates use values, that is material wealth, is the unique source of the latter The use value always has a natural substratum.
Labour is the natural condition of the human, the condition of material exchange between human and nature, independent of all social forms. Marx's concern is that wealth as value a set of numbers in a ledger rather than a set of things is a distinct and modern conception of wealth. Value is the creation of new social system of capitalism, a point entirely lost to the German Workers' Party which just demanded "a fair distribution".
This is the same compromise with capitalism we see in Social Democracy and in liberal modern movements. Marx begins Capital with this revelation of the two-fold nature of the commodity. Why do commodity goods in our society have two forms, useful goods and valuable goods? This is one of the two key questions the classical economists never asked. The other is 'How did capitalism arise? This new social game we are forced to play stands on some kind of problem at the root of the production system.
Also, according to Marx it is not labour as such but "socially necessary labour time " that produces commodities. This type of labour is social labour because it is:. Producers enter into social contact through the exchange of commodities. Marx stresses the specific character of this labour. The conditions of labour positing exchange value are social determinants of labour or determinants of social labour, but social This is a specific kind of sociality.
What will labour be like after capitalism has ended? Marx stresses that labour in that society would not simply be a means of life but would itself become life's "first need. What must be abolished is the division of labour which puts individuals under its "enslaving subordination". In Marx distinguished between two types of labour. The first is labour in the absence of private property in the means of production where "we produce as human beings.
The second is labour carried on under private property, the "alienation of life". It is, therefore, " forced labour This is labour as " self-estrangement ".
Thus through estranged labour man The relationship of the worker to labour creates the relation to it of the capitalist Private property is thus the product, the result, the necessary consequence, of alienated labour.
True, it is as a result of the movement of private property that we have obtained the concept of alienated labour of alienated life in political economy. But analysis of this concept shows that though private property appears to be the reason, the cause of alienated labour, it is rather its consequence Later this relationship becomes reciprocal. Thus property cannot create alienated labour. Before labour can be appropriated in the form of property it must first take the form of alienated labour.
Thus the proprietorial relation between a person and a thing expresses a more fundamental social relation between people.
The legal form of private property presupposes the social relation of alienated labour. With the extension of exchange and the division of labour the activity of labour becomes an alienated activity, for the thing that the labourer produces has no inherent connection with the needs of the labourer: the labourer does not produce the particular object because it responds either to his or her need to engage in a particular form of activity, or to a need for that particular product, or to a recognition of the need of another for that product.
The labourer produces simply in order to exchange the product for another product, in order to earn a living. Thus the product as an indifferent thing comes to dominate labour. It is only an appearance of activity imposed only by an external necessity and not by an inner need. One year later, Marx observes that the labourer's activity is not "a free manifestation of his human life," it is rather a "bartering away, an alienation of his powers to capital.
All production, considered as "appropriation of nature from the side of the individual Now consider labour's social dimension. The question becomes relevant re whether the labour process operates "under the brutal lash of the slave supervision or the anxious eye of the capitalist". These two forms of labour are the dominant types of labour that has operated in class societies. Throughout class society labour has been an activity forced on the individual - either as directly forced labour under "personal dependence" as in pre-capitalism or as alienated labour under "material dependence" in commodity capitalist society Grundrisse.
In order to prepare the way for the solution of the social question, the socialistic working men's party of Germany demands the establishment of socialistic productive associations with State help under the democratic control of the labouring people. The productive associations are to be founded on such a scale both for industry and agriculture that out of them may develop the socialistic organisation of the total labour.
Categories : works Political party policy resolution. Hidden category: Pages with override author. What could one have expected in conclusion? Obviously this:.
Therefore, if he himself does not work, he lives by the labor of others and also acquires his culture at the expense of the labor of others. Online: Marxists Internet Archive.
0コメント